フィリピン系元慰安婦のサポート・グループのブログを読んでいたら、彼女たちがどんなサポートを必要としているか箇条書きで説明してありました。興味深いので引用してみます。「私(読者)に何ができますか」と題してあります。


WHAT I CAN DO TO HELP (in the Philippines):
http://labanforthelolas.blogspot.com/

● Organize Forum/Symposium/Educational discussion.

● Organize study tour on historical markers, "comfort sites" and related areas.

● Conduct research on documents and related materials on "comfort women" issue.

● Write letters to editor and articles about the issue.

● Write to head of local government units, the Congress, the Senate, and the President to encourage actions for the Lolas' demands.

● Join in the legislative meetings and public hearings on the issue.

● Gather signatures on the campaign to record the truth of "comfort women" system in Philippine history textbooks.

● Join the Lolas in their regular rallies and other protest actions at Japanese Embassy.

● Attend the integration programs with community visits to the Lolas.

● Volunteer to spend your free time by doing work for the Lolas House (e.g.translation of documents in Japanese texts, write press releases, provide free medical/counseling services to the Lolas.)

● Build networks (agencies or individuals) in support for the Lolas' campaign for redress.

● Launch income-generating projects such as running, biking or painting and donate proceeds for Lolas' programs and activities.

● Support the Lolas' income-generating projects (i.e. buy gifts made by Lolas.)

● Organize art workshops such as quilt, card, bag making, etc. with the Lolas.



これを見れば彼女たちが何を必要としているかが分ります。逆に言えば、何が不足しているかということです。三点にまとめられます。

1.attention 世界に慰安婦問題を知らしめる(周知活動により注目を集める)
2.support 元慰安婦への支持を集める(これが唯一のたのみの綱)
3.funding 活動資金を集める(活動の継続、何をするにも経費は必要)


第一点を達成するために、慰安婦決議案からも分るとおり、彼女たちはとにかく話を大きくして支持を集めようとしています。もうそれしか道がないことを認識しています。話を大きくする機会を逃さないように鵜の目鷹の目なはずです。騒動になればなるほど、彼女たちにとって都合がよく喜ばしいことは間違いありません。

第二、第三点を達成するために、彼女たちは、人に備わる「怒り」「いきどおり」「同情心」「正義感」の感情を最大限に利用しようと腐心しています。これらの感情は強烈で、人を行動へと駆り立てることを彼女たちは熟知しています。したがって、彼女たちの発言や活動はこれらの感情を刺激するようにデザインされているはずです。

これにどう対処していくかが大切です。

中韓のグループの場合も基本的には同じでしょう。ただ中韓の場合は、フィリピンのケースと違って、慰安婦問題がナショナリズムの発露と結びついているので、より複雑になっています。
加藤駐米大使が、先月に続いて、米下院の執行部5名に対して警告の手紙を送付したというワシントンポストの記事を読みました。この警告の中身は、慰安婦決議が下院で採択された場合、イラクの復興支援から手を引くとの内容ではないかとこの記事の著者は推測しています。

駐米大使といえば外務省実務の事実上のトップですから、あれはシャレだったではすみません。決議が採択された場合、警告どおり何らかの報復を実行しなくてはなりませんし、そうできなければいよいよなめられてしまいます。すでにホンダ議員は、下の抜粋にあるとおり、「この警告は口だけだから何にも心配する必要はない。」とインタビューに答えているそうです。

しかしこの問題に何の関係もないイラクの人たちが、結果的に玉突きとなり、割を食うのは納得いかないでしょう。だからと言って、2度も警告を発してしまった以上、もはや何もしないわけにもいかないわけです。何もしなければただの間抜けだし、警告どおり報復すれば、いずれどこかでやり返されるわけですから、いいことなしです。難しいことになりました。

実際の投票の時期については、参議院選挙前に採択して安部総理の顔をつぶすようなことはしないとのことですから、選挙後に下院で採択されるのでしょう。安部総理にとっては選挙結果と合わさって、憂鬱な8月になりそうです。

以下、ワシントンポスト紙からの抜粋です。

Japan Warns U.S. House Against Resolution on WWII Sex Slaves

(1) In an unusually blunt letter sent to five House leaders, including Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), Japanese Ambassador Ryozo Kato said passage of the resolution "will almost certainly have lasting and harmful effects on the deep friendship, close trust and wide-ranging cooperation our two nations now enjoy."

(2) immediately after warning of "lasting and harmful effects," Kato gives an example of what could be at risk for the United States, noting that Japan has recently extended for another two years its spending on reconstruction in Iraq.

(3) The resolution's primary sponsor, Rep. Michael M. Honda (D-Calif.), dismissed the ambassador's letter as lobbying bluster. "It's not going to hurt our relationship diplomatically or trade-wise," he said.

(4) Abe's Liberal Democratic Party could lose control of the country's upper house in an election on July 29, some public opinion polls suggest. Not wanting to embarrass Abe before that election, the House leadership has agreed to put off adoption of the comfort women resolution until after the vote, Honda said.

※この記事のコメント欄には、次のような勝ち誇ったメッセージも見受けられます。

peterp22 wrote:
The war is over, we won, let it go.

BJohnpappy wrote:
We punished the Japanese for their war crimes. I agree, let it go.

勝ち負けにこだわっていれば勝てた勝負でした。議員さんたちが勝ち負けではなく、つまらない見栄にこだわったために完敗となってしまいました。「ジリ貧を恐れてドカ貧になる」の典型でしょう。
Googleアラートで引っかかってきた慰安婦関連の記事です。このジャパン・タイムズの記事によると、日本人元慰安婦として名を明かした女性が一人だけいらっしゃったのだそうです。もうすでにご存命ではありません。

その女性の証言を元にこの記事は書かれているわけですが、読んでみると、当時はよくあったであろう不運な女性の話です。

母親を14歳のときに亡くし、その後、ろくでなしの父親に売り飛ばされて慰安所で下働きをさせられ、さらには慰安婦にされてアジア各地を転々としたのだそうです。同情されてしかるべき悲しい一生ですが、だからといって国家が一々責任を負えるのかというと、そうはできませんしね。


Memoir of Japanese 'comfort woman' recounts 'this hell'

By ERIC TALMADGE

TATEYAMA, Chiba Pref. (AP) Sister Michiko Amaha leads the way down into the basement of a little hilltop chapel overlooking the grounds of a shelter for women who, for one reason or another, can't live on their own.

Sister Michiko Amaha looks at a photograph of a woman known by the pen name Suzuko Shirota, the only Japanese 'comfort woman' to have come forward and tell her story, in a chapel basement in Tateyama, Chiba Prefecture
Sister Michiko Amaha looks at a photograph of a woman known by the pen name Suzuko Shirota, the only Japanese "comfort woman" to have come forward and tell her story, in a chapel basement in Tateyama, Chiba Prefecture, on May 24. AP PHOTO

Over the years, dozens of women have spent their final days here. Their ashes are stored behind stone markers under a simple altar. Amaha takes a photograph of one down from the wall in the ossuary, places it on the altar and lights a few candles.

The woman in the photo is smiling a bright smile, with bangs hanging down over her forehead like a little girl.

Her name ― or the name she is known by ― was Suzuko Shirota.

Sold by her father into prostitution at age 17, she followed Japan's troops around the Pacific during World War II. After the war she returned and U.S. troops became her clientele. She became a drug addict, was destitute and institutionalized for decades.

RELATED STORIES
Supporters laud U.S. motion on 'comfort women' as first step

Though historians believe there were perhaps tens of thousands more Japanese like her, Shirota is the only Japanese "comfort woman" to have come forward and tell her story.

Now, the government is subtly trying to revise that story. Sixty-two years after Japan's surrender brought an end to the official sanction of thousands of frontline brothels, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has questioned a key element of a 1993 government apology to the women.

Abe and many conservatives claim that, "in the narrow sense," the women weren't coerced.

No one, for example, held a gun to Shirota's head. But, then again, no one needed to.

Shirota lived a relatively quiet life until she was 14 and her mother died in 1935. Her family bakery went bankrupt, and her father began gambling. To pay off his debts, he sold her to a brothel.

Prostitution was legal then, and Shirota's was a common fate. With no other choice, she accepted it with resignation.

At first, Shirota was an assistant, helping the older women with their clothes and makeup. But gradually, she was brought into the reality of the brothel. When she was 18, she was ordered to serve her first customer. Locked in a room, she was raped. She was bedridden for days, and was treated for syphilis.

Her father continued to gamble, and took out loans from the brothel.

A broker in Yokohama sold her to another brothel in Taiwan. By then, Japan was well down its path toward all-out war in Asia. Northern China, Taiwan and Korea were colonies. So was forced prostitution. Japan established its first "comfort stations" in China in 1932 to serve as a steam valve for the troops, preventing rapes that would generate local resentment and resistance, and to slow the spread of venereal diseases through medical supervision of the brothels.

The women ― Shirota recalls taking a boat to Taiwan with Koreans as well as other Japanese ― were closely controlled.

In Taiwan, Shirota was kept under lock and key. Though privately run, her brothel served Japan's military and the government was closely involved in keeping the women from escaping. Papers were required to leave the brothel, and police kept tabs on her movements.

"I became, in name and reality, a slave," she wrote in her little-known memoir, "In Praise of Mary." "On Saturdays and Sundays, there would be a line and men would compete to get in. It was a meat market, with no feeling or emotion. Each woman would have to take 10 or 15 men."

Shirota managed to con a customer into paying off her debt by promising to marry him. She returned to Japan but found that her family had scattered. With nowhere to turn, she borrowed enough money to go to Saipan, where a large number of Japanese troops were stationed. From there, she island-hopped to Truk and Palau, where she eventually found work keeping the books for a comfort station.

Narrowly escaping death when the island was bombed in 1945, she was repatriated to Japan, but again she had few alternatives. She bounced around from city to city, developing an addiction to methamphetamines. She found her way to the city of Fukuoka, and took up work at a brothel frequented by U.S. troops.

Here, too, there was no dearth of work. "It was like a war," she wrote of the crowds jostling for the women's services. "It was a whole new world for me."

She began living with an American soldier and started to have hopes of a future. But he left her behind.

She tried to kill herself as her life became more desperate. During a visit to her mother's grave, she learned that her sister had committed suicide.

Then she saw an article in a magazine about a shelter for women like herself. It was 1955, the year before prostitution was formally banned.

Using a pen name, Shirota broke her silence in 1971 with her memoir, which was published by the same Christian group that helps run the shelter in Tateyama, Chiba Prefecture, where she would spend more than two decades until her death. It is long out of print; even the publisher no longer has any copies.

A rare copy of the book, which has never been translated, was reviewed by The Associated Press at the National Diet Library.

Just before Shirota died in 1993, the "comfort women" tragedy became an international issue.

Some historians say up to 200,000 women, mostly Asian, were forced to service millions of Japanese troops.

A Korean woman, outraged by Japanese claims that the wartime brothels were run not by the government but by private entrepreneurs, came forward in protest, claiming she was kidnapped from her home by Japanese soldiers and forced into a life of sexual slavery. Others have since followed and Japanese historians dug up documents indisputably proving government complicity. Tokyo came forth with the 1993 apology.

But years before, in 1984, Shirota had dealt with her own demons.

Tortured by nightmares of the cries of the women who worked with her, she wrote a letter to the Rev. Fumio Fukatsu, the Protestant minister who ran the shelter.

"Forty years have passed since the end of the war, but no voices have been raised anywhere in Japan. There are monuments to soldiers and civilians, but the girls who were offered for sex in China, Southeast Asia, the South Pacific and the Aleutians, after being used freely, were just thrown away to wander in the freezing cold or become the food of dogs and wolves.

"Wherever the military went, there were comfort stations. . . . They lined up, we had no time to clean ourselves before they had us again, we felt the pain of death. How many times did I want to strangle them? I was half crazy. . . . If you died you were just thrown into a pit in the jungle. No one would tell your family. I saw this with my own eyes, this hell for women."

Fukatsu helped Shirota realize a long-held wish ― that a monument be built to the women.

At first, it was just a simple wooden marker erected on the hill near the chapel. Later, that was replaced by a proper stone monument. Sister Amaha, now in her 80s, makes the trip up the hill once a year for a small gathering on the anniversary of the day Japan surrendered.

Amaha, who was with Shirota when she died, said she doesn't expect others to come forward.

"There is an unspoken pressure not to come forward and bring shame on the nation. I think that is why none have spoken out. But she was the first to tell her story. It is proof, it is a challenge to the government. It took bravery."
The Japan Times: Monday, July 9, 2007
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/print/nn20070709a6.html
ペロシ下院議長が慰安婦決議案への支持を明確にしたそうですから、そのうち下院で採決されて、おそらく成立するのでしょう。今後、この慰安婦問題がどのように姿形を変えながら展開していくのか未来を見通せればよいのですが、それは誰にもできません。

そこで、たった一人の男の決心からはじまったアルカイダが、侮られながらもとうとう反英米のシンボルとなり、英米政府が無視できない存在にまでなった過程を参考にして、慰安婦問題の今後をうらなってみます。どちらのケースも正義心にかられた人々が、固い決意の下に、同調者の数を増やしながら、目的達成のために長期間にわたる運動を続け、徐々に成果をあげつつあるという点では同じであるからです。

今後の展開を見る枠組み

1.敵の運動を潰せるときにしくじりを繰り返しグズグズしていると、支持者が増えて後で後悔する。
2.敵政府とのバトルに勝利したという成功体験は、自信につながり活動範囲は広がる。
3.日本政府の鼻をあかしてやりたいとの強い願望とその成功の喜び、その味をしめると活動継続の強力なインセンティブになる。
4.自分たちの活動に確信を持つ。
5.各界からの支持を背景に、日本政府への要求もより大胆になる。
6.韓国系ロビーの経験者が増え、活動は巧妙、緻密になり、この経験は他の論争にも転用される。
7.メディアの利用も巧妙になり他の論争にも転用される。
8.同調者も増え、影響力を増す。
9.同盟者、協力者も現れやすくなる。
10.特に若い世代の同調者を引き付ける。
11.実績をあげたグループには資金提供者も金額も増える。
12.古今東西、人々は優勢な側につき劣勢な側にはつかない。
13.日本政府は窮地に追い込まれ譲歩せざるを得なくなる。
14.その結果、反日世界のカリスマが誕生し、正義の名の下、反日活動のアイコン的存在となる。
15.そのカリスマの下、分散していた反日勢力が結束しやすくなる。
16.日本政府にとってますます無視できない存在となる。
17.外交、経済活動に影響がではじめ、日本側から直接交渉を申し込むも断られる。
18.もはや交渉ではなく、無条件で要求を呑むように迫られる。

以上、望ましくない項目ばかり思いつくままに並べてみました。

一部の人の主張する「反論」は今やそれ自体が目的となってしまったようです。反論の結果、望ましい効果が生じているか、逆に悪化しているのか、冷静に勘定することすらできず自分たちの主張に固執し、何度も同じことを繰り返すのでしょう。状況を分析しながら戦術を調整することもできない。戦前戦中もそうだったように、何回失敗しても玉砕するまで鵯越(ひよどりごえ)をくりかえすのです。しかも策のない人に限って見栄と猛々しさだけは人一倍。現在においてもこの系統は脈々と生きているのです。知的には高水準にあるのでなおさら始末に負えません。




グーグル・アラートで慰安婦関係のニュース記事だけが配信されるように設定しているのですが、こんな記事が引っかかってきました。敵にいらざる確信を与えてしまった一例です。台北タイムズの社説?のようです。

Taipei Times
Taiwanese should learn from the US Congress
By Philip Yang 楊永明

July 1st, 2007

要旨

日米関係は経済や軍事面で利害を共有しているので緊密である。それにもかかわらずアメリカ議会は、慰安婦決議を採択した。目先の利益よりも人権を優先させたのだ。それでも日米関係が揺らぐことはないと言われている。台湾もこれから学ぶべきだ。台湾議会も恐れずに同じことをしてよいのだ。するべきだ。


By an overwhelming majority, the US House of Representatives' Committee on Foreign Affairs passed a resolution on Tuesday calling for the Japanese government to apologize for forcing women into prostitution as "comfort women" during World War II. The resolution is expected to pass the full House at the end of this month. Yet even if the House passes it, the resolution is not legally binding, and should not influence diplomatic relations between the US and Japan.

The real significance of the resolution is to remind us that when facing incidents of violations of human rights, we should adopt a consistent attitude and standard, and not allow these values to be distorted by immediate interests. The US and Japan have deep common diplomatic and economic interests, in addition to the US-Japan security alliance. Yet this proposal underscores the fact that the great majority of Congress members will not ignore the "comfort women" issue, nor the Japanese government propagating "historical amnesia," because of those interests. Therefore the majority of congressmen supported the resolution.

At the beginning of April, I joined a group of US Representatives on a visit to China organized by a US foundation. During the entire trip, the members of the bi-partisan group rarely mentioned recent hot topics like US-China trade relations. Rather, they were concerned with the condition of China's energy resources, environment and human rights. They also naturally had many criticisms of the diplomatic policies China has developed toward Africa along with its rise.

Among the participants was Democratic Representative Michael Honda of California, who had proposed the "comfort women" resolution. He was not the anti-Japanese activist that the Japanese media portray him to be. Rather, as a third-generation Japanese-American who had been held in a US government detention center during World War II, he displayed many Japanese characteristics and demonstrated familiarity with the Japanese culture and language.

I asked him why he would propose a resolution calling for the Japanese government to apologize to the "comfort women." He responded that he did so because the Japanese government still isn't willing to face the country's past errors. In particular, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe still denies that the Japanese government was responsible for the "comfort women" during the war. On June 14, 44 Japanese legislators claimed that "comfort women" were voluntary prostitutes in a full-page advertisement in the Washington Post.

The Taiwanese government has been passive on the issue. Only this year did it finally issue a clear call for Japan to face up to the problem. Yet in Japan, conservatives have still questioned me as to why Taiwan would take such an "anti-Japanese" stance. It should serve as a wakeup call for Taiwanese that the US Congress, which has close ties with Japan, is still willing to pass this resolution.

This resolution may re-establish the US' soft power and diplomatic prestige in East Asia. If Japan can't handle the matter appropriately, its road to becoming a major political power will become more difficult. Although the US is still an unprecedented economic and military power, its diplomatic prestige and soft power have declined because of President George W. Bush's Iraq policy. Many Asian-Americans and South Korean human rights groups have actively campaigned for the resolution, reflecting how Asian societies still view the US as the real power in the region. This resolution is a chance for the US to demonstrate the human rights values of its foreign policy.

Philip Yang is a professor at National Taiwan University's Department of Political Science.

Translated by Marc Langer
Copyright (c) 1999-2007 The Taipei Times. All rights reserved.

日本の英字新聞、ジャパンタイムズからの記事です。

元慰安婦側の支持者たちが、元気モリモリになって、この決議を第一段階として更なる圧力をかけていくと宣言しているわけです。このあたりは予想通りの動きでしょう。

Supporters laud U.S. motion on 'comfort women' as first step
(決議はファースト・ステップ)
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20070628a2.html

今回、民主党多数の下院で決議案を潰せていれば、元慰安婦グループは日米両国において、司法、行政、立法府の三権すべてにおいてその訴えが通らず、打つ手を失った彼女たちの活動は取り返しのつかない深刻なダメージを受けるはずだったのです。しかし土壇場で息を吹き返してきました。要求も、物言いも、態度も、ずうずうしくなっていくはずです。

でも今回分かってよかったのは、ワシントンポストの広告にも名を連ねているあの平沼さん、総理大臣候補から早く脱落していて本当に良かったなということです。この方は、例の郵政民営化法案への対応や今回の広告への対応にも見られるように、肝心な時にどうでもいいような案件で勝負をかけ、しかも負けてしまう側についてしまい、さらには実際に負けてしまう、そういう人物のようです。小泉さんと違って運もなさそう。この手の信念のリーダーは、最も危険なのではないでしょうか。悪党というわけではなく、善意でやっているのですから始末に終えません。

今後の対応

元慰安婦で日本軍に酷い目にあわされたという証言をする人は各地にたくさんいるわけですが、それ以外の証言をしてくれる元慰安婦を多数見つけられるかどうかがカギでしょう。例えば「慰安所での生活は大変だったけれども、おかげで借金を返済できたし家族が飢えることもなかった。」とか「親に売られたので仕方なかった。」というような証言です。あるいは「娘を売るなどしたくなかったが、当時の状況では他に手はなかった。」との告白です。

また、非日本人で日本側の立場に同調してくれる同盟者も多数必要です。同調者や証言者が一人も現れないような主張ならやっても意味はありません。

新たな証言者や同調者を掘り起こすことが出来ない間は、何を言っても無駄です。「5つの事実」「証拠がない」と繰り返すだけでは説得力が乏しいばかりか、反発心だけを刺激して相手を無理解にしてしまうだけです。ただ単に「5つの事実」を英文にするだけで、人々を味方を引き寄せる技術が盛り込まれていなければ、敵対的な挑戦と受け止められても仕方ありません。

これは何も慰安婦問題に限ったことではありません。他国の人たちがやっているように、国際的な多数派工作、上手に自分たちの味方に引き入れる技術、互いを支持しあう連携関係を構築する技術を身に着けなければ、グローバル化しインターネットで連結された世界では自分たちの主張を通すことはできないようです。

21世紀の世界では情報の伝わりが早く、争点が割りと簡単に政治化(ときには暴力化)してしまいがちで、守る側にとっては難しい時代になってしまったといえます。この変化にうまく対応できていないのは日本人だけではありません。アメリカやヨーロッパ各国もイスラム世界との関係においては、大衆レベルとの信頼関係がないので、些細なことでイスラムへの冒涜と因縁をつけられ大騒動になってしまいます。難しいものですね。

皆が多数派工作をしているのですから、敵の多数派工作は阻止し、自分に有利なように国際的に多数派を形成する、その技術が今後のカギとならざるを得ません。
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soudenjapan

Author:soudenjapan
soudenjapan、45歳、コンサルタント。やっと英語が楽になり20年かかって英語を握ったと感じる。と思ったのもつかの間、そこには広大な未知の領域が残っているようだ。

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